At the time of the military coup of February 1, 2021, I was a lecturer at a university in Myanmar, deeply involved in my academic and research pursuits. The military takeover, however, marked the beginning of an unprecedented period of turmoil that would drastically alter my life and the lives of countless others in academia. As a member of the country’s higher education community, I have since witnessed firsthand the importance of democracy not just as a political system, but as the very foundation of intellectual freedom and academic progress. This belief is what drove me to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). I understood that a thriving democracy fosters critical thinking, encourages diverse perspectives, and nurtures innovation – all essential elements for quality education and research.
My decision to join the CDM was not taken lightly. I knew the risks involved, but my hope for democracy stemmed from the conviction that it is the best safeguard for academic integrity and the pursuit of knowledge. Despite the challenges and potential consequences, I remain committed to this ideal, knowing that true education can only flourish in an environment of openness, equality, and freedom of expression. By participating in the CDM, I was not just fighting for my own future, but for the future of education and intellectual freedom in Myanmar.
My commitment to these principles has come at a great personal cost. I was fired from my job within months of the coup, along with many other professors and lecturers who expressed pro-democracy sentiments. The repercussions were immediate and severe: my research projects were suddenly halted, and my career was placed on indefinite hold. These harsh consequences, while devastating, only served to underscore the importance of our struggle and the extent to which the military regime was willing to go to suppress academic freedom. After being expelled from my job in Myanmar, I relocated to Israel where I am now working as a postdoctoral researcher.
Prior to the military coup, Myanmar’s political and educational environments had undergone substantial changes. Myanmar started its democratic transition in 2011, and part of that process involved major efforts to upgrade and reform the education sector. The government implemented a number of programs to raise the standard of both basic and higher education. These efforts included the provision of additional opportunities for research funding, the expansion of access to international academic cooperation, and the provision of a wide range of choices for students and teachers.
In addition to these, there were two more significant changes: outdated curricula were updated, and schools introduced refresher courses for newly appointed teachers. Additionally, the government made progress in creating an inclusive and open learning atmosphere where critical thinking and freedom of speech were encouraged. These reforms aimed to empower the people by advancing democratic ideas and making sure that education functioned as a vehicle for social and political change, rather than merely raising educational standards.
However, these changes were swiftly reversed by the military coup. Universities were left in a state of disorder, numerous educational programs were suspended, and research institutions suffered significant disruptions. Consequently, research projects were left in uncertainty as international collaborations were unexpectedly stopped. Over 5 million children – more than half of Myanmar’s school-age population – dropped out of school. According to a recent United Nations report, up to 90 percent of university students boycotted classes to protest the military regime.
Moreover, Myanmar people have become more and more disenchanted with the education system, which has long been subject to military influence and control. This influence predates the 2021 coup, with roots in the decades of direct military rule prior to 2011. During that period, the military’s influence permeated not only education but also all sectors of government and society. Even after Myanmar began its transition towards democracy in 2011, which brought some improvements to the education system, the military still held significant power. The current coup has effectively reversed the progress made during the brief period of civilian governance, reverting to a system that many see as perpetuating oppressive policies that impede critical thinking and learning. As a result, many people have said “enough is enough” to both the military regime and the education system that exists under its authoritarian control.
One of the most significant outcomes of this disillusionment has been the exodus of students from the educational system. Thousands of students have left school, as well as the country, along with many brilliant researchers and scholars. The nation’s academia and science have been negatively impacted in the long run by losing all of these young and talented people. This brain drain not only weakens the current academic environment but also threatens the future potential for innovation and research progress in Myanmar. Since the coup, it is estimated that 10-15 percent of the country’s middle-class professionals, including academics and students, have left Myanmar due to the deteriorating political situation, lack of job security, and repression of academic freedom.
Around 100,000 Myanmar citizens have crossed into Thailand and Mizoram, India, many of them young and educated individuals seeking better opportunities abroad. In turn, Myanmar is experiencing a severe brain drain. This brain drain poses long-term challenges to Myanmar’s potential for academic restoration, economic recovery, and scientific development, as many of those leaving are among the country’s most talented and skilled individuals.
Despite these overwhelming challenges, there has been remarkable resilience within the academic community, although its effectiveness may be questionable. Many educators and students have continued their work in defiance of oppressive conditions, whether from abroad or in alternative settings. In several regions of Myanmar where the military regime’s power has waned, committed CDM educators have begun restoring education systems. For instance, in parts of Sagaing Region, Shan State, Chin State, and Kachin State, resistance-controlled areas have established schools accredited by the National Unity Government and staffed by former state school teachers who joined the CDM. I hope that these restoration efforts aim to establish an education system fundamentally different from the military-controlled model. I also believe that even in this revolutionary period, the focus is on creating a more democratic and freedom-oriented approach to learning, rejecting the oppressive practices of the past.
At the same time, many education professionals who were forced to leave the country due to the current political upheaval continue to contribute by participating in education networks and alternative learning initiatives from abroad in any possible way. They remain hopeful that once the military is totally removed from political power, they can return to Myanmar to rebuild the nation. Educators who have recently left Myanmar, along with those who emigrated decades ago, share a common vision for their homeland. They dream of a day when they can return and actively contribute to Myanmar’s development across various sectors, from education and politics to the economy. This collective aspiration reflects a deep-rooted belief in Myanmar’s potential for a brighter future, despite current challenges.
